Panel Summary

            The local self-government movement in China began in the late Qing, and by the Revolution of 1911 no less than five thousand self-government councils had  formed around the country.  While the idea of a federated state was cherished by early revolutionaries, the movement to secure the province as an autonomous basis upon which to construct a democratic republic came into being during the May Fourth period. The conflict between two concepts of nation-building ----federalism versus centralism ----culminated in the defeat of the former in the 1920s. When the Northern Expedition of the Nationalist (Guomindang)-Communist alliance swept across the southern and central provinces, all provincial constitutions, provincial and local assemblies,and local self-government societies and activities associated with the vision of a federated state ceased to exit.

            This panel offers a re-examination of a crucial, if largely forgotten, issue of modern Chinese history from different perspectives to stimulate discussion and further inquiry. Four papers are proposed for this panel. M. Kryukov of Tamkang University reveals some recently discovered documents from Moscow's archives and explores the influence of an early Soviet emissary on the political plans of Sun Yatsen and Chen Jiongming. Tai Kuo-Wei of Tamkang University explores the myths of the Kuomintang-Communist Alliance of the 1920s. Michael Murdock of Brigham Young University examines Guomindang's centralization efforts in Guangdong during 1924 to early 1925. Leslie Chen, author of a recent book on Chen Jiongming and the Chinese Federalist movement, discusses education reform in Guangdong of 1920-1923 as part of a fervent program by the Guangdong federalists to make the province a model for China as a whole.

Panel Chair

            Young-tsu Wong, Professor of History, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University

Discussant

            Michael Copeland, Professor, York University, Canada; President of the Federation of Canada China Friendship Associations

Panelists and Paper Abstracts

(1) Michail Kryukov, Professor, Graduate Institute of Slavic Studies Tamkang University,Taiwan; Member, Academia Europae

Sun Yatsen, Chen Jiongming and General Potapov: 

An Early Soviet Contact with Chinese Republican Leaders

            It is well known that there have been two fundamental strategies as regards the unification of China in the early 20s of the last century. The first one that considered the use of arms as the only way to the final goal was represented by Sun Yatsen. The second one relied on the establishment of a federation of autonomous provinces and had Chen Jiongming as its main proponent. But what is much less known or even still remains a riddle, is the role that was played in this connection by General Potapov who on behalf of Soviet Russia conducted negotiations both with Sun and Chen in 1920.

            On one hand Potapov is generally considered to be a Bolshevik envoy to the Southern China sent by Lenin to be in touch with Chinese revolutionary leaders. He was extremely active in Shanghai when he met with Sun Yatsen and discussed problems of Sino-Soviet cooperation with him. Afterwards he went to Zhangzhou, the main result of this meeting being the letter written to Lenin by Chen Jiongming. Potapov later brought this important message to the addressee.

            On the other hand an American journalist J. Sokolski who had an opportunity to be closely acquainted with Potapov in Shanghai maintained that the General was not at all sent to China by Lenin.

            Recently discovered archival data make it possible to throw light on this controversial issue. Now we have access to the secret documents from the Bolshevik Party Archive in Moscow where Potapov's reports as well as his letter to Lenin were kept. Besides, the present author has been lucky enough to come across some other evidences of Potapov's activities in China and elsewhere. The immediate purpose of this presentation is to make it clear what the real background of General Potapov's visit to China was and to what extent it might have influence on the political plans by Sun Yatsen and Chen Jiongming.

(2) Kuo-Wei Tai, Graduate student, Graduate Institute of Slavic Studies, Tamkang University, Taiwan,

The Myths of the Kuomintang-Communist Alliance

            In 1924 Sun Yat-sen adopted the policy of allying with Soviet Russia and admitting Chinese Communist Party members to Kuomintang on a dual-membership basis. Historians on both sides of the Strait generally agree that the KMT-CCP Alliance was the result of Chen Jiongming's betrayal and Sun's inability to obtain assistance for his Northern Expedition from other foreign Powers. In the mainland, it has also been contended that the Alliance was a genuine effort on the part of the CCP to support Sun's new Three Principles of the People (The Three Policies). While in Taiwan, some even suggest that the Alliance served Sun's dual purposes for the military unification of China and for the containment of communism.

            Other contentions have been made : (1) that all military adversaries of the Alliance were reactionary warlords; (2) that federalism is an ineffective political philosophy of self-seeking regional militarists, like Chen Jiongming, and naive intellectuals, like Dr.Hu Shi; (3) that the use of force is the only feasible way to unify China as had been done in the creation of new imperial dynasties in the past; (4) that all capitalist countries were imperialists who desired to carve up China into their own spheres of influence and (5) that Soviet Russia was the only non-imperialistic country who treated China as an equal nation.

            This  paper examines these contentions and the circumstances in which they were made. It concludes that they do not reflect the political realities of the time. They are myths created for justification of Sun's policy . However, their influence on the thinking of the Chinese people is profound and cannot be neglected.  They pose a serious obstacle to creative efforts to build by peaceful means a unified but democratic nation, which has been ruled for centuries by a succession of centralized and autocratic authorities.

(3) Michael G. Murdock, Assistant. Professor, Brigham Young University

        The "Sins" of Centralization:  Localist Hostility at Guomindang Centralization Efforts in Guangdong, 1924 to Early 1925

            In 1918, Sun Yat-sen naively proposed building an anti-warlord, anti-imperialistic revolution on the waves of patriotic Chinese he felt would flock to his cause.  After years of setbacks, however, Sun had to modify the script, largely because the “people” of China failed to heed his mobilizing calls.  By 1924, plans aimed instead at constructing a powerful state apparatus capable of coercing localist interests to pursue revolutionary goals. 

Unfortunately for both the Guomindang (GMD) and Guangdong’s civilian population, GMD weaknesses insured that the process of centralizing proceeded in haphazard and often spontaneous ways, creating great dissatisfaction among the localist interests affected.  Five alleged problems particularly rankled localist sentiment: 1) GMD use of the “guest” armies, 2) party appropriation of localist resources, 3) GMD heavy-handed manipulation of the political process (in direct contrast to the relatively liberal and open democratic sociopolitical system of the earlier Chen Jiongming regime), 4) party struggles with major cases of corruption, and 5) GMD willingness to sacrifice Guangdong interests for remote nationalistic goals.  

Through 1924 and early 1925, civilian support for the revolutionary regime remained divided.  Opposing groups actively threatened GMD rule. Some, including the Canton Merchants’ Corps, colluded with anti-GMD British or warlord organizations.  Many others observed GMD revolutionary tactics and employed them against the GMD itself, organizing anti-party demonstrations, boycotts, and protests.  In short, claims that the GMD represented the wishes of the “people” is a much later claim that many groups in Canton would have hotly disputed during the early years of GMD rule.

(4) Leslie H. Chen, Independent scholar, Alexandria, Virginia

Building Democracy from the Bottom Up:

Education Reform in Guangdong of 1920-1923

            The search for modernization in a nation like China, with its centuries of entrenched political thought and tradition, is necessarily an evolutionary process. It may be characterized as six stages of development: (1) the New Policies reforms of the late Qing period, 1898-1911; (2) the Revolution of 1911; (3) the New Culture movement of the May Fourth period in 1919; (4) the Federalist movement of 1920-1926; (5) the Nationalist (Guomindang) Revolution of 1926-1949 and (6) the Communist Revolution of 1949.

            This paper focuses on the reform of education in Guangdong in 1920-1923 as part of the fderalists' effort to create a democratic federalist system in the province aimed at providing a model for China as a whole. It instituted an independent executive and budgetary  system, to be free from political influences. It implemented a compulsory public program for both boys and girls from ages seven to twelve. Its adoption of the 6-3-3 system (six years of primary school, three years of junior middle school and three years of senior middle school) and an experimental curriculum served as the nation's prototype for many years. Reform in higher and social education included the establishment of a University of Guangdong, the planning of a science and technology university with Massachusett Institute of Technology and Harvard University, and promotion of evening schools for factory workers.

            The Guangdong program reflected many of the ideas and ideals which had been suggested and discussed in the New Culture movement of the May Fourth period. The influences of  Chen Duxiu, the prominent leader of the May Fourth movement who was invited to Guangdong to serve as the program's first chief executive, and John Dewey, the noted American educator who had visited Guangdong during his two-year tour of China in 1919-1921, are discussed.